The intrinsic message from the Godhra train-burning and the Marad massacre all the way up to Kamlesh Tiwari and Kanhaiya Lal remains the same as it has remained since the alien Islamic invasions of India: It is a premeditated civilisational war that one side is determined to finish at all costs
A year and three months after a train coach carrying devout Kar Sevaks was set ablaze in the Godhra railway station by a Muslim mob, a similar incident had occurred deep down in Marad, Kerala. A Muslim mob armed with deadly swords descended on a group of unarmed Hindu fishermen sitting on the beach near a temple. What followed was wanton slaughter which left nine Hindus dead and several others were left bleeding on the beach. Police investigation revealed a huge pile of swords and country-made bombs in a nearby mosque. Unsurprisingly, blood-stained swords were also recovered from the lot. The media barely gave coverage to the incident and got away with the omission. Unlike Gujarat, no riots erupted in Kerala. The grip over the narrative was still tightly enclosed in the secular fist and it didn’t take long for public amnesia to set in. There was no social media to expose the true story.
Nobody remembers the Marad Massacre of May 2003.
The story came out much later: The marauding Muslim mob had inflicted unprovoked aggression against those hapless Hindus on a Friday, after the evening sermons in the mosque. Some commentators speculated that the intent was to create a Gujarat-like riot situation.
Fifty-nine Hindus were torched alive in that train bogey in Godhra. Nine Hindus were slaughtered in Marad. But a larger game was also being played out in tandem on a bigger canvas. The Indian Airlines Flight 814 was hijacked by Islamic terrorists and forcibly made to land in Kandahar. Two years later, the Indian Parliament building was attacked by the same Islamists.
Not coincidentally, all these incidents occurred during the regime of prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Barring Marad, the frazzled Vajpayee was made to look weak by a sinister design. When he caved into the Islamists’ demands in the Kandahar hijack case, a vast section of our media and intelligentsia actually gloated that the prime minister of their own country was “humbled.” Vile jokes were concocted about his knee pain — “weak-kneed” was a phrase thrown about in Lutyens’ drawing rooms and editors’ offices with undisguised glee. The October 2002 cover story of Time magazine opened with a sadistic litany of his ailments.
The same pressure tactics were applied on Vajpayee vis-?-vis the Gujarat riots as well: The specific target was the chief ministerial chair of Narendra Modi. Fortunately, the tactics flopped.
Little if anything has changed since then. If anything, the decadal misrule that the UPA government inflicted upon India facilitated the consolidation of the same lethal forces that had baited Vajpayee. The consolidation has occurred on a global scale on two major fronts: (1) offering generous support for Indians waging war against their own government (2) facilitating the methods, techniques and vehicles for actually executing the war where it matters: on the ground. But the deadliest element in both these cases is the fact that unlike in the Vajpayee era where these dangerous networks operated in stealth, this time around, all bets are off. The civilisational project of breaking India is being brazenly advertised and implemented almost on a daily basis.
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The gruesome murder of Kanhaiya Lal, the doomed tailor of Udaipur, reveals the dangerous level which this phenomenon has touched in the interval that separates Vajpayee and Modi.
While the Friday mosque sermons continue to remain a potent force for mobilising Muslim street power — recent examples include the spate of violence in Kanpur, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh — the murderers of Kanhaiya Lal needed no such motivation.
The video that his killers, Ghous Mohammad and Riyaz Attari have released on social media makes for truly chilling viewing. What it shows is a psyche seasoned by extraordinary levels of religious indoctrination. The video is both an act of pride and defiance. Pride and self-assuredness that the murder was an act that would please their Prophet — in their own words: “We will live and die for you, our Most Holy Rasool.” Defiance of the law — again in their own words, “Hey Narendra Modi, I pray to Rab (God) that this knife will reach your throat as well.”
Social media and instant communication have repeatedly proven to be incredibly effective tools for mobilising such freelance Islamist adventurers as well as for whipping up the masses as in the case of Shaheen Bagh riots.
The ongoing investigation into Kanhaiya Lal’s murder also reveals that it was Lal’s Muslim neighbour, Nazim, who had circulated the photos of this poor tailor among his “community groups on social media with a message that he should be killed if seen anywhere or if he opens the shop”. In fact, Kanhaiya Lal had earlier pleaded police protection after noticing that “Nazim and five other persons are conducting recce of my shop and not allowing me to open the shop”.
But the brutal story has a perverse antecedent. It was the self-same Nazim who had given a police complaint against Kanhaiya Lal who had allegedly supported former BJP spokesperson Nupur Sharma’s statement on TV. As happens only in a realm dominated by Nehruvian secularism, the police had arrested Kanhaiya who was later released on bail only to meet this gory end, the chain of events triggered once again by Nazim.
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This transports us once again to familiar territory. A 2013 MHA report estimated that there was a terror attack on Indian soil averaging one every six weeks. The period in question: after the Congress-led UPA came to power in 2004. It is now easy to forget how in that blighted era, the numbers of Hindus killed numbered in tens if not hundreds; bomb blasts were almost routine, emboldened by a government that was held hostage to the Muslim vote-bank. The 26/11 Islamic war against India was the climax which ended with the sacking of home minister Shivraj Patil. “Action was taken.”
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In essence, the UPA government was openly hedging bets on national security in service of Muslim appeasement. It had become a willing apologist for this lucrative vote-bank and its minions in the media and elsewhere were only too glad to oblige. One of the most disgraceful episodes occurred in the aftermath of the 2006 train blasts in Mumbai. While it was clear to the proverbial common man that Islamists were behind them, the apologist brigade miraculously conjured something called the “spirit of Mumbai,” a barely-concealed act of misdirection.
As I mentioned above, nothing has changed.
While “Maut ka Saudagar” purveyors like Javed Akhtar invoked this “spirit” and took refuge under the familiar trope that “terror has no religion,” other apologist entrepreneurs made movies and held peace marches and memorial services.
The same thing is playing out even as the ill-fated Kanhaiya Lal’s ashes are still warm. Not one Muslim notable has unconditionally condemned the heinous murder. And as before, the secular-liberal establishment apologists are busy whipping up…err…more creative apologetics.
We are told by Rana Ayyub, merely, that “this bloodshed needs to stop. The country needs a healing touch.” Like it is some abstraction involving neither Kanhaiya Lal nor his fanatical murderers.
Then we are told by Asaduddin Owaisi that he condemns the “Udaipur incident.” And wastes not a second in reiterating his demand for Nupur Sharma’s arrest.
We are also told by none other than the Shahi Imam of Jama Masjid that Kanhaiya Lal’s murder was “an act against Islam, unlawful and inhuman…and condemn this act.” Not a word of apology.
Meanwhile, the usually eloquent Javed Akhtar has maintained radio silence.
The ever-dependable CNN calls Kanhaiya Lal’s murder an “alleged killing of a Hindu man by two Muslim assailants.”
The list of such apologetics is swelling with each tweet and Facebook post even as I write this. And the apologists themselves come in various self-painted hues: liberal, secular, free speech absolutists… Arun Shourie has given perhaps one of the most memorable descriptions of this twisted psyche in the context of M. Hussain’s perverted paintings, exclusively of Hindu deities. He calls the psyche “weak to the strong and strong to the weak.”
“It is not freedom… that these worthies are committed to. They are committed to their having freedom alone: can you recall a single liberal protesting against the ban on Ram Swarup’s Understanding Islam Through Hadis? … they are the practitioners of a very special brand of the dialectic: Strong to the weak, Weak to the strong. And that is what the Hindus are noticing…neither the [art] gallery nor the magazine [India Today] spared a thought for the religious sentiments it might offend till the ‘goons’ marched into the gallery, but they had but to march in and the painting was immediately taken down; Hussein was all defiance one day, but the moment some paintings of his were burnt, he was suddenly sorry…”
That was a different era, a recent one no doubt. The story of why MF Hussain fled to Qatar holds vital lessons for the Hindus of our own time but that will have to wait for another day.
But the intrinsic message from the Godhra train-burning and the Marad massacre all the way up to Kamlesh Tiwari and Kanhaiya Lal remains the same as it has remained since the alien Islamic invasions of India: it is a premeditated civilisational war that one side is determined to finish at all costs. The latest evidence comes from the mouth of Kanhaiya Lal’s unapologetic killers: “We will finish this fire.”
And every secular-liberal apologist for this unprovoked war is an accomplice in the ongoing, targeted slaughtering of Hindus.
The author is founder and chief editor, ‘The Dharma Dispatch’. Views expressed are personal.
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