China has increasingly focused on cementing its sway in developing countries which are still looking to increase technology accessibility for their domestic population
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Lessons from China’s Coercive Technology Diplomacy The advent of the Information Age has brought the role of technology in foreign policy to the forefront. States now rely on their technological growth, comparative advantages and supply chain dependencies to use technology as a diplomatic tool.
One of the main arguments for states to indulge in technology diplomacy in recent times has been the rapid rise of China. The last two decades have seen the Chinese state leapfrog many technologically advanced states in many critical technology domains. Immense state support, coupled with the rise of domestic technology giants, has made China a major power competing to secure technological space with other powers like the US and Europe. There is also the issue of how the Chinese state has been actively promoting and exporting its technology infrastructure beyond its borders, thereby increasing its sphere of influence.
This expansion of the technology-oriented Sinosphere has made other states take cognisance and try to increase their diplomatic outreach to counter China’s ever-increasing growth. But how has China been so successful in utilising technology as a credible foreign tool? What lessons does China’s aggressive ‘techplomacy’ offer to other technological powers?
Focus on key battlegrounds of digital competition
China has increasingly focused on cementing its sway in developing countries which are still looking to increase technology accessibility for their domestic population.
A case in point is the rising influence of China across the African continent. The Chinese government has given the responsibility to technology giants like Huawei and ZTE to build telecommunication products and infrastructure across many African countries as part of its foreign policy outreach. The Digital Silk Road initiative of the BRI has taken off in African countries with many projects such as data centres and network infrastructure. Chinese companies and their components make up almost 70 per cent of the total 4G networks across the continent.
The security concerns surrounding Huawei and Chinese technology have been mitigated by the low prices (in terms of installation costs and running the network) offered by the Chinese technology firms. This has made African governments embrace Chinese technology firms due to lesser barriers to technology acquisition. Data centres have been built by Chinese firms as part of the Digital Silk Roads initiative in major countries like Ghana, Nigeria and Egypt. Information and Communication Technology (ICT) infrastructure in other countries like Sierra Leone and Senegal has also been dominated by China’s foreign policy projects.
Exporting governance norms and frameworks
Another aspect of China’s technology diplomacy is the strategic use of its domestic technology giants to make its mark in shaping global tech governance frameworks. This is also being done through influencing the technical standard-setting processes.
China’s assertiveness in the technology standards domain has come to the forefront in recent years. The increase in Chinese technocrats for leadership positions in key working groups and technical committees across international technical standard-setting bodies showcases the deftness and lobbying power of the state in diplomacy. The state has used its heads of domestic technology companies and high-level technology officials to push for the adoption of Chinese-companies’ standards as the de-facto global technical standards in key areas. The success of China in setting the majority of the 5G standards and owning the highest number of 5G-related patents have created ripple effects in the global technology landscape.
In early 2020, there were also talks on the Chinese state starting the ‘China Standards 2035’ project, which aimed at setting technical standards in key technology areas by the year 2035. In October 2021, the Chinese government released the ‘National Standardisation Development’ outline, which was the first official national strategy toward technical standardisation.
Along with digital infrastructure, there are also reports of how the BRI project has managed to export even Chinese technology standards. With the help of Huawei and other technology giants, the Chinese state has also ensured many of its BRI partners and other neutral states work under the governance framework designed by Chinese domestic companies. Hence, other states are coerced into working with Chinese technology products as well as working within the Chinese governance frameworks and mechanisms through their set standards. This has majorly improved the country’s soft power capability and increased its global technology reach.
Lessons for India?
One of the important aspects that can be employed from China’s adoption of technology in diplomacy is the role of its domestic private sector. The Chinese state provided state support and created a thriving business environment for building its technology sector. Technology giants were propped up and supported to compete on the global stage with competitor firms. With the foundation laid, the Chinese state then utilised its domestic tech giants in their diplomatic efforts to achieve their foreign policy objectives. Chinese firms like Huawei and ZTE have been instrumental in improving the state’s technological footprint beyond its borders. Emerging technology powers should understand the power of their domestic tech sectors and utilise them effectively in their diplomacy overtures.
Another key area for other states to focus on is the ability to use key foreign policy projects to export digital and tech-related infrastructure beyond its borders. In the 21st century, infrastructure development does not limit to just highways and ports. Technology infrastructure like telecommunication networks and renewable energy grids should become key areas of contribution in a foreign policy project. China’s BRI initiative expanded to the Digital Silk Road project hence thereby ensuring its technological presence on its allies’ soil. Other states can come together to form a techno-democratic alliance with a technology infrastructure development plan for other developing countries.
China’s successes in the domain have showcased the necessity and ability to use technology as part of any state’s foreign policy arsenal. The adaptation of a state’s diplomatic efforts in the current era can help achieve multiple objectives at the same time. China’s case in ‘techplomacy’ remains an example of how the state achieved both technological growth while expanding its sphere of influence simultaneously.
The author is a research analyst, The Takshashila Institution. Views are personal.
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